会誌『考古学研究』

Abstract: In this contribution I focus on the joint, called nebasami and usually made of wood, often inserted between an arrowhead and a shaft. First I show there were two processes for attaching the nebasami to an arrowhead, depending on whether the shaping of the nebasami was completed before attaching or not.
　Next I show from a limited number of available examples that nebasami lacked a tang long enough to be securely attached to the shaft, indicating the nebasami enabled the arrowhead to be easily disconnected, in other words, that this item was used with a separable style, as opposed to a fixed style, of arrowhead.
　Separable style arrowheads are often unearthed in groups not pointing in a uniform direction, suggesting they were buried simply as arrowheads, without shafts. As it is difficult to imagine that arrowheads in particular were removed from their shafts for the burial ceremony, I therefore conclude these items were used in social exchanges in which they were given and received as arrowheads alone.
　In the late fourth and early fifth centuries, some fixed style arrowheads had a twisted iron stem and a shape usually in the same proportions as separable style items. The position of the twisted stem is equivalent to that of the wooden nebasami. For that reason I conclude that at the beginning of Kofun period the wooden nebasami was independent from the arrowhead, then some nebasami became transposed into an integrated part of the iron arrowhead, and in that phase the twist of the iron stem, which approximates the round cross-section of wooden items, is an indicator of the change in material.
　After that transition in the fifth century, nebasami and separable style arrows disappeared in western Japan and were distributed only in the east. Consequently, in the sixth century the way of giving and receiving weapons in the west differed from that of eastern Japan, where arrowheads continued to have value for exchange beyond their function simply as weapons.

Keywords: Kofun period; arrows; distributed form.

Abstract: In this paper I explore mortuary ideology and practice at examples of tunnel burials in the Sagami and southern Musashi regions, through the examination of burial methods, incised drawings and associated ceramics in the burials and rubbleworks in front of the burials.
　Among the observed burial methods, the practice of secondary burial occurred when a body was originally buried at another place, followed by the remains being collected and placed inside a tunnel burial. The skeletal remains were not abandoned but treated as carefully in the secondary burial as in the primary burial.
　Through an examination of the incised drawings, I interpret that the drawings of arms and the triangular designs depicted in the tunnel burials are symbols to ward against evil spirits, and some of the abstract designs implies the passage to heaven. I consider that the mortuary ideology was manifestly expressed in these pictures in these regions.
　I observe that after the middle seventh century the associated ceramics such as jars of unglazed Sue ware were intentionally destroyed during the internment. I interpret that this practice took place in front of the participants at the end of the funeral, implying a farewell to the deceased. I considered that the space in front of the burial was a stage for mortuary rituals, opened for the participants, and that the rubbleworks were set up in order to perform the same ritual as that of Kofun burial mounds, and is associated with the change of social status of local elites.

Keywords: secondary burial; incised drawing; practice of ceramic destruction; rubblework in front of the burial; mortuary ritual.

Abstract: There are a considerable number of place-names that are regarded as Ainu-cognate in the northern areas of the Tohoku district above Miyagi and Yamagata prefectures. It is clear that people who spoke the Ainu language lived there. It is now generally accepted that those place-names were given by the Ainu-language speakers who lived there in ancient times, and they are often identified with the Emishi who are described in the literature of the Nara and Heian periods. On close examination of archaeological finds of the time, however, a new hypothesis was advocated by Matsumoto (2006) that the Emishi as described in the literature did not exist. In order to draw conclusions as to which theory better explains the true state of affairs, this paper considers the following five issues concerning the Ainu-cognate place-names in the Tohoku district: 1) why those place-names exist, 2) when the place-names were given, 3) when the place-names came to be entrenched, 4) who gave the place-names, 5) and who entrenched the place-names. Our main focus is put on the similar distribution of the Ainu-cognate place-names in the Tohoku district and pottery vessels of the Zoku-Jomon period found in both Hokkaido and Tohoku. Through comparison of combinations, shapes, and patterns of those vessels, various aspects of human interaction during the period as well as the origins of their similarities are explored. It is concluded that the Ainu-cognate place-names in Tohoku were given by the people who used the pottery vessels of the Kohoku C2-D type and Hokudai I type and that the people who established those place-names were ancient-Japanese-language speakers who emigrated there after the Asuka period.

Keywords: Tohoku district; Ainu-cognate place-names; Zoku-Jomon pottery; Asuka to Heian periods; migration.